Focus On The Global South:

Call On Governments To Reject Agriculture Text

 

Proposed Rules for Agriculture Will Increase Imbalances: More Small Farmers Will be Decimated

 

The 13 September text on Agriculture does not redress the existing imbalances in the agriculture agreement. There is NO attempt to reduce domestic supports and export subsidies, as called for by the majority of developing countries (G21, as well as the African Group, LDC, and ACP alliance). Also, NO attempt has been made to address concerns of small farmers. In fact, it will increase these imbalances since it very clearly allows developed countries to continue their subsidies and dumping, even as developing countries are asked to take on drastic tariff cuts!

 

The results will be the decimation of small farmers. We call on governments to reject the draft text.

 

US/EU PERPETUATE ALL CURRENT DOMESTIC SUPPORT PROGRAMMES

 

Retaining the AMS

Whilst Developing countries have called for the elimination of the AMS, the text shows that the US/EU intend to maintain the AMS for their most important products since the text says that ‘Product-specific AMS shall be capped at their respective average levels during the period ….” With the Farm Bill, the US is already hitting the ceiling of its 19.1 billion a year maximum AMS. Such supports will be perpetuated.

 

Perpetuation of the Blue Box

Whist developing countries have called for the elimination of the Blue Box (Article 6.5) supports, which again has been acknowledged to be trade distorting, the text will essentially allow for a Blue Box, up to 5% of the total value of agriculture production. (5% is a very significant amount since the EU’s total production is very large). There is also no end date for when the Blue Box will be eliminated.

 

Green Box: Major Loophole and Instrument of Inequity Reinforced

The common position of developing countries is that the Green Box should be capped and reduced. The Green Box currently allows an unlimited amount of subsidies to be provided. The US and EU are also increasingly shifting their subsidies to this supposedly ‘non-trade distorting’ Green Box.

 

At present, the Green Box is ALREDY described as having no, or at most minimal trade distorting effects. The reality of course is that the Green Box, given in tens of billions is very much trade distorting. The only line on the Green Box in the text, “Green Box criteria shall be reviewed with a view to ensuring that Green Box measures have no, or at most minimal trade-distorting effects or effects on production” will only maintain the status quo.

 

Recommendation:

The Green Box must be capped and reduced. The Amber and Blue box subsidies should be eliminated. These provisions are as important as the elimination of export subsidies, since they too contribute significantly to dumping.

 

If these provisions are not agreed to by the US and EU, developing countries should not agree to any reduction in tariffs.

 

Ridiculous S&D in Domestic Supports

Developing countries are not big providers of domestic supports - providing only a small fraction of the total domestic supports given by all Members. Asking developing countries therefore to reduce their domestic supports (albeit with a longer time frame) when their total levels are already very low compared to the developed countries makes no sense and is penalizing developing countries, when ironically dressed up as an ‘S&D’ measure.

 

Developing countries should call for Developed countries’ domestic supports to be brought down to their levels (a harmonized level) instead. That would constitute more genuine S&D!

 

MARKET ACCESS: ANOTHER S&D FOR DEVELOPED COUNTRIES

 

Developed Countries to Protect Domestic Markets Through Tariff Peaks

Here again, the developed countries have crafted the text in such as way as to provide S&D for themselves, allowing tariff peaks in their most sensitive sectors to continue - hence tightly protecting their own markets from the developing countries.

 

In Para 2.2, it says that tariff lines exceeding a maximum of x percent will be reduced to that maximum or “ensure effective additional market access in these or other areas through a request-offer process”. That is, if these peaks are to be brought down, developing countries will have to pay for this! This is equivalent to allowing developed countries to enjoy “Special Products” treatment, even as developing countries are told that their Special Products must still undergo automatic tariff reductions (unless they are ‘very low’).

 

The Special Safeguard (SSG) Is Another Special Treatment for Developed Countries That Should be Eliminated

The SSG is only currently available to 38 countries  - 16 developed countries and 22 developing countries. The EU is able to apply its SSG on 539 products, US on 189, Canada on 150 products Switzerland on 961.

 

Many developing countries (particularly the Alliance on SP and SSM) have argued that this SSG has been another S&D for developed countries since most developing countries are unable to invoke any automatic safeguard, whilst most developed countries are. They have called for its termination, and instead the establishment of a Special Safeguard Mechanism (SSM) for all developing countries.

 

The text says that the SSG’s use and duration remain under negotiation. However, when it comes to the SSM (para 2.9), it is clear in the language that only the most narrow SSM will be agreed upon - ‘subject to conditions and for products to be determined’. In the negotiations, developed countries and some developing countries have already argued that the SSM will only be provided for products where deep tariff cuts are undertaken in this round. Such linkage - most likely to be pursued after Cancun would make null and void the value of any SSM.

 

Recommendation

The text instead should make clear that there must be an SSM for all products. The Safeguard is a normal trade tool recognized by the GATT, and is a temporary measure to address price volatility and import surges. This is very important for the majority of small farmers in developing countries.

 

Tariff Reduction Formula For Developing Countries: A Disaster for Small Farmers

 

Most developing countries have opposed a Swiss Formula (drastic tariff reduction) yet it has been suggested in the text. Tariffs are their only defense mechanism against the $360 billion dollar subsidies a day provided by the OECD, that has led to dumping in their markets.

 

The formula proposed clearly intends to open up developing countries’ markets. The “Strategic products” criteria is of no value, since tariff cuts still have to be taken, and since the number of SP products will be ridiculously small. Only those products with already very low tariff bindings are exempted.

 

It even calls for some tariffs to be brought down between 0-5%.

 

Article 2.8: ‘The applicability and/or extent of the provisions of paragraph 2.2 above to developing countries remain under negotiations’ is another S&D for developed countries. Whilst they enjoy the ability to protect high tariffs under 2.2, allowing developing countries to do so is questionable!

 

Recommendations:

Developing countries should not agree to this section. This is the most dangerous part in the section on agriculture. Any agreement in this direction will wipe out small farmers in developing countries, since it will only allow more imports to be dumped.

 

Any agreement in the area of tariff reductions should only be taken if there is agreement to REAL and drastic domestic supports cuts (as opposed to ‘box shifting’) and elimination of export subsidies.

 

 

 

 

EXPORT COMPETITION

 

The text is unacceptable. It unravels what was promised in Doha. There is no commitment to eliminate export subsidies, but in fact to perpetuate them.

 

Again, the S&D section here is a laugh. Developing countries hardly provide any export subsidies compared to the developed countries. It is therefore mind-boggling that they are asked to reduce these, and it is considered an S&D!

 

PEACE CLAUSE

The peace clause has given developed countries immunity in their subsidies. This should not continue. The Peace Clause should expire in December 31 as agreed to in the Agreement on Agriculture.

 

 

By Aileen Kwa, Focus on the Global South - in  Cancun

aileenkwa@yahoo.com